A strained friendship: Branco’s demands and Sonko’s dilemmas in Sénégal

A controversial letter that recently surfaced on social media has ignited heated debates across Sénégal. Authored by Juan Branco, a French lawyer and essayist known for defending controversial figures such as Kemi Seba, the document was addressed to Ousmane Sonko, who was then serving as Prime Minister of the Republic of Sénégal. The letter, dated February 4, 2025, outlines five critical areas where Branco seeks direct intervention from his close ally, Sonko.

Legal entanglements and alleged foreign interference

Branco’s first request revolves around a Spanish judge’s commission rogatoire concerning his alleged abduction in Mauritania. He subtly urges Sonko to exert pressure on Senegalese judicial authorities to facilitate cooperation, going so far as to question the sovereignty of the Senegalese State by implying French involvement in the handling of the case. This move raises serious concerns about the potential erosion of judicial independence and the implications of external actors influencing domestic legal processes.

Demands for classified intelligence files

In a second plea, Branco seeks access to classified documents from Senegalese intelligence services dating back to the administration of former President Macky Sall. These documents, he claims, are linked to French secret services and are crucial to countering what he describes as a powerful “counter-narrative” in France that fuels disciplinary and criminal proceedings against him. Branco alleges that a kompromat operation—a smear campaign involving at least one Senegalese agent—was orchestrated in October 2023, just before a significant hearing in Sénégal. This request not only risks violating national defense secrecy laws (Article 61 of the Senegalese Penal Code) but also breaches professional secrecy (Article 371) and constitutes an offense under the disclosure of non-disclosable information.

Controversial calls for justice and financial maneuvering

Branco’s third demand pertains to the France-ICC case involving allegations of crimes against humanity against former President Macky Sall. He implores Sonko to take direct action, particularly on a financial level, to support these proceedings. Such a request exposes both individuals to severe legal and political repercussions, as it bypasses judicial channels and directly solicits classified intelligence files without a judge’s requisition. This would constitute a clear violation of national defense secrecy and professional confidentiality, potentially leading to charges of receiving classified state secrets. Additionally, Branco’s suggestion to fund private prosecutions for crimes against humanity in France—without Sénégal’s official involvement—raises serious concerns about the misuse of public funds or political party resources, particularly through the PASTEF party. By circumventing formal judicial procedures in favor of a politically motivated arrangement, this approach undermines the credibility of international justice and transforms a quest for accountability into a series of legal transgressions.

Citizenship and institutional influence

Branco’s fourth request highlights his aspiration to represent the Republic of Sénégal at the United Nations in New York, a role he claims would align with the “sovereignist and pan-Africanist” stance of the current regime. He argues that his foreign (French) nationality would not hinder his ability to represent Sénégal loyally. However, upon learning that another diplomat had been appointed, Branco pivots to a new demand: obtaining Senegalese citizenship through exceptional presidential prerogatives. This would allow him to practice law in Sénégal and teach at the Université Cheikh Anta Diop (UCAD) in Dakar. These requests reveal an attempt to bypass both republican and professional regulations, as Branco seeks preferential treatment to secure positions of influence. His past bid to represent Sénégal at the UN also posed a geopolitical conflict of interest due to his French nationality, while his current demands for naturalization and institutional access highlight a shift from ideological alliance to a transactional relationship with Sonko.

Financial transparency and the cost of activism

In his final point, Branco discusses the financial compensation he claims to have received between 2023 and 2025, totaling 15,000 euros. This amount includes 2,000 euros in reimbursements from Senegalese lawyer Maître Bamba Cissé for travel to Dakar. Branco asserts that these funds were used to cover operational expenses, such as flights, accommodations, and administrative costs related to what he describes as a “representation mandate” entrusted by Sonko’s camp. He argues that this sum is grossly inadequate given the extensive work, his abduction and detention ordeals, and the legal battles he faces in France. This financial disclosure underscores a lack of transparency and formal contractual agreements with the Senegalese State. If these funds originated from public sources, the informal transaction—processed outside public procurement frameworks—could be construed as embezzlement of state funds. Moreover, the opacity surrounding these financial flows raises concerns about compliance with billing and capital flow traceability regulations. This shift from ideological alliance to a transactional dynamic reveals Branco’s pragmatic pivot: after failing to secure political or diplomatic appointments, he now frames his activism as a financial quid pro quo, transforming what was once presented as a principled alliance into a purely mercenary relationship.