Venance konan exposes the distorted faces of modern panafricanism

The recent arrest of Kémi Séba in South Africa has reignited debates about the true essence of panafricanism. As the activist awaits a court decision, Venance Konan examines whether Séba embodies the modern ideals of this movement. The case also prompts a deeper exploration of panafricanism’s evolution and its current manifestations across the continent.

By Venance Konan

When activism meets questionable alliances

What connects a prominent panafricanist activist with a white supremacist? Kémi Séba, whose real name is Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi, holds Béninois citizenship and a Nigerian diplomatic passport. His recent arrest in South Africa alongside his 18-year-old son and François Van der Merwe—a white supremacist nostalgic for apartheid—raises serious questions about his true motivations.

Séba, leader of the NGO “Urgences panafricanistes,” is best known for his anti-French rhetoric, opposition to the franc CFA, and antisemitic views, which led to the revocation of his French nationality. According to reports, he was attempting to enter Zimbabwe illegally before possibly heading to Europe. In Bénin, he faces charges of “apology for state security crimes and incitement to rebellion” for supporting soldiers involved in a failed coup attempt last December, with an international arrest warrant issued against him.

Russian propaganda and support for Sahel dictatorships

Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb are among the loudest voices of panafricanism in Francophone Africa. All three are at the forefront of the fight against French influence on the continent. However, they are also the most vocal propagandists for Russia in Africa and staunch supporters of the three dictators ruling the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—Assimi Goïta of Mali, Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso, and Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger. Has modern panafricanism become synonymous with opposing France only to align with Russia and its authoritarian allies?

The roots and evolution of panafricanism

Panafricanism: from liberation to disillusionment

Born in the early 20th century among Black intellectuals in America and the Caribbean, panafricanism fueled the anticolonial struggle across Africa. Prominent figures like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo embodied its ideals. The movement found strong support among African students in France through the Federation of Black African Students in France (FEANF), which became a political force advocating for decolonization and continental unity. Its outspoken opposition to the Algerian war drew harsh retaliation from French authorities, including increased rents for African students, reduced scholarships, and constant police surveillance. FEANF was eventually dissolved in 1980.

The independence of Ghana in 1957 and most African nations in 1960 were seen as triumphs of panafricanism. The creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 marked a significant step toward continental unity. Yet, post-independence realities revealed deep divisions. Instead of unity, Africa witnessed secessions—such as Eritrea’s independence and Sudan’s split—as well as failed attempts like Biafra and Casamance. In 2002, Libyan leader Mouammar Kadhafi pushed for transforming the OAU into the African Union (AU) to revive the dream of a united Africa, but the initiative stalled. By 2011, Kadhafi was killed by a Franco-American-British coalition, leaving the AU without a clear path forward. Since 2001, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) was supposed to accelerate integration and development, but it has since faded into obscurity.

Panafricanism today: rhetoric versus reality

Today, panafricanism is often invoked as a political and intellectual necessity. In many African countries, ministries or departments dedicated to African integration exist, and leaders frequently declare themselves panafricanists. For instance, former Côte d’Ivoire president Laurent Gbagbo recently launched the Parti des peuples africains-Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), branding it as panafricanist. Similarly, Senegal’s ruling party, Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), claims the same ideology. Yet, reality tells a different story. Instead of unity, African nations either engage in internal conflicts—such as in the Horn of Africa, Sudan, or the Great Lakes region—or turn against their neighbors, as seen in the tensions between Sahel countries and ECOWAS members in West Africa.

The urgent need for genuine panafricanism

Where have all the true panafricanists gone? What remains are figures like Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb—loud voices on social media but whose actions raise doubts. The first, of Béninois descent, lost his French nationality due to his extremist positions. The second, originally from Cameroon, faces scrutiny in France for anti-French rhetoric, while the third, of Cameroonian-Swiss heritage, has been sanctioned by the European Union for similar reasons. They claim to be persecuted for fighting Western domination, particularly France. But where is the panafricanism in serving Russian interests on the continent? Can liberation truly come from replacing one domination with another? The atrocities committed by Russian-backed militias in the Sahel speak for themselves. Where is the panafricanism when these activists align with ruthless dictators who suppress freedoms, imprison dissenters, and silence opposition?

According to leaked conversations attributed to Séba, Nyamsi and Yamb—whom he calls “opportunists”—are allegedly on the payroll of Faure Gnassingbé, a Togolese leader often presented as a democratic panafricanist. Séba himself, despite his anti-French stance, has reportedly expressed regret over losing his French citizenship. Let’s be clear: this version of panafricanism is corrupted, stale, and reeks of deception. Yet, in a world dominated by predatory powers, Africa’s survival may depend on rediscovering the true spirit of panafricanism—unity, dignity, and self-determination—before it’s too late.