Sénégal’s political funds controversy: who really held discretionary powers?

The debate over political funds has ignited fierce exchanges in Senegal’s political landscape. As television studios, Facebook, and social media platforms buzz with fiery exchanges, elected officials, former ministers, and parliamentarians clash over a question now impossible to ignore: who, before Ousmane Sonko, truly benefited from the discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were they used?

This explosive discussion unfolds against a backdrop of heightened tensions. Since August 10, the National Assembly has been convened in an extraordinary session under Sonko’s leadership to examine a draft law regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor codes, and the creation of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.

Sparked by Aly Ngouille Ndiaye’s remarks

The controversy erupted following a bold statement by former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye during a live interview on SenTV. Known for his outspoken nature, he asserted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Prime Minister in Senegal’s history to receive dedicated political funds: “In reality, he was the first head of government to have access to these funds. I never served as Prime Minister, but some of my predecessors are still alive and listening. Only Boun Abdallah Dionne is deceased, and I know he never had such funds. The system began with Sonko.”

The former minister also addressed the widely cited figure of 1.7 billion CFA francs, questioning its frequency: “Some say it’s quarterly, others annually. If annual, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. But I know the first 1.7 billion CFA francs were exhausted. If it were annual and gone in a single quarter, that’s alarmingly fast.”

He echoed earlier revelations by Petroleum and Energy Minister Abdourahmane Diouf, who claimed this initial allocation was entirely spent before Sonko requested an additional budget—an indication, according to Ndiaye, that Sonko’s successor found nothing left. He called for transparency: “These should be examined in parliamentary inquiry commissions. There are things I know I can’t say here.”

Former Prime Ministers push back

The former minister’s claims sparked immediate backlash online, where archived video clips contradicted his version. A particularly striking rebuttal came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, Wade’s last Prime Minister, who stated in an April 2025 interview on Faram Facce: “Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds every month.”

This revelation places the existence of these funds decades earlier than Ndiaye suggested, undermining the claim that Sonko inaugurated the system. Additional testimonies from Macky Sall (Prime Minister under Wade from 2004–2007) and Idrissa Seck (Prime Minister 2002–2004) surfaced online, alongside memories of Wade occasionally diverting presidential political funds to support his Prime Minister’s expenses.

Pastef’s response: “baseless accusations”

The presidential camp countered with a statement from Elimane Pouye, CEO of SOGEPA SN, who dismissed the claims as “gratuitous accusations.” He urged comparisons between the Prime Minister’s budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations were due to institutional changes rather than new allocations. For Pouye, the real issue isn’t whether these funds existed before Sonko but how predecessors used them. He emphasized that the debate should focus on democratic accountability in public spending, not on arguments over amounts and timing.

Supporters of the Pastef movement highlighted that the party had been denouncing the lack of oversight over these funds since 2014, with reforms included in their 2019 electoral manifesto—well before Sonko took office in 2024. They argued that the practice was long documented, not an invention of the current Prime Minister.

Revealing the historical truth

To move beyond the current controversy, parliamentary records reveal a troubling historical pattern. These discretionary envelopes have grown massively over successive regimes: approximately 650 million CFA francs under Abdou Diouf’s presidency, ballooning to nearly 8 billion under Abdoulaye Wade. A 2008–2012 report by the State General Inspectors (IGE) uncovered that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were spent during that period, with 48 billion never properly accounted for—a figure that long remained buried in Senegal’s public accounts.

Documented misuse

A concrete example is the National Local Development Program (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA franc fund managed by the Prime Minister’s office. This program was central to an investigation into Idrissa Seck after he left Wade’s government in 2004, focusing on alleged embezzlement linked to his management of the program and ownership of two properties—one in Saly and another in Atlanta. This case underscores that the lack of control over Prime Ministerial discretionary funds is not a new issue.

Calls for legal oversight

Several lawmakers are pushing for institutional reform. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a draft law in September 2025 to create a “Commission for Verifying Political Fund Credits”, initially to Pastef’s parliamentary group and Sonko himself. Sonko reportedly asked him to wait, preferring a government-led reform. Sagna later submitted four draft laws to his group, including one to establish a commission to audit the use of political funds.

Deputy Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for resigning in 2017 over transparency concerns, went further, calling these funds “theft” and condemning their lack of parliamentary authorization: “The Prime Minister spoke about political funds on May 22, but it’s not for him to decide.” He distinguished these funds from presidential intelligence credits, which he argued should not be conflated.

Not all voices align. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of RTA-S, criticized what he termed “opportunism” in the parliamentary majority, noting that many members had held high state positions in recent years without advocating for oversight earlier. While supporting transparency, he called for broader parliamentary scrutiny, including the management of ONAS (national water utility), oil revenues, Matam region funds, and compensation for political crisis victims.

Official stance: regulation over abolition

When questioned in May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye defended maintaining these funds, citing their role in intelligence and social solidarity, and warning that their abolition could create a dangerous void amid urgent social needs. Ousmane Sonko, too, ruled out abolition but supported regulation, citing the 1.77 billion CFA francs allocated to the Prime Minister’s office in a May 22, 2026 parliamentary address.

The August 10, 2026 extraordinary session of the National Assembly, now examining the draft law to regulate special credits and secret funds alongside a constitutional amendment on asset declarations, highlights the unresolved tension between an entrenched institutional practice—documented across regimes from Abdou Diouf to the present—and the transparency demands of the new authorities since 2024.