US-Morocco alliance: origins, military ties and Ceuta migration crisis

From a 18th-century friendship treaty to a highway named after Donald Trump in the Sahara, the bond between the United States and Morocco has always stood out. This week, King Mohammed VI renamed a 1,000-kilometer road crossing Western Sahara in honor of the former US president, a gesture widely seen as gratitude for Washington’s backing of Rabat’s claim to the disputed territory.

This symbolic move came shortly after more than 70,000 people surged from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, leaving at least 140 dead on both sides of the border and triggering a deep migration crisis. While the scale of the exodus shocked observers, the US response revealed the depth of its strategic partnership with Morocco.

Roots of a centuries-old partnership

Despite vast geographical and cultural differences, the United States and Morocco established early ties that would shape their long-term relationship. In 1776, as the American colonies declared independence from Britain, Morocco was already an independent sultanate under the Alaouite dynasty—still ruling today.

Within 18 months of US independence, Sultan Mohammed III granted American ships unrestricted access to Moroccan ports. Rabat later hailed this decree as the first international recognition of the fledgling United States. However, the US State Department’s Office of the Historian traces this milestone to June 23, 1786, when the two nations signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in Marrakech.

For the young American republic, this was no mere diplomatic gesture. With the British navy no longer protecting its merchant vessels, US ships faced relentless attacks by Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian, and Tripolitan corsairs, whose crews seized ships and held crews for ransom. The treaty guaranteed safe passage for American ships in Moroccan waters, opened commercial opportunities, and bolstered the new nation’s global legitimacy.

« Morocco’s strategic position at the Mediterranean’s entrance, bridging Europe, Africa, and the Islamic world, made it a key partner for the US as it sought recognition and trade expansion worldwide, » explains Timothy W. Kneeland, professor of history and political science at Nazareth University in New York.

The treaty was renegotiated in 1836 and remains in force to this day. « As Moroccans often point out, the 1786 treaty is the oldest still-active agreement in US diplomatic history, » notes Sarah Yerkes, associate fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and expert in US foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa.

Security, trade, and the Western Sahara question

Security cooperation between the two nations began long before Morocco’s independence. In 1950, while Morocco was still under French protectorate rule, the US and France agreed to jointly develop several air bases in the country.

Decades later, the US renewed its support for its North African ally. In November 1975, as Spain’s dictator Francisco Franco lay dying, Morocco’s King Hassan II organized the Green March, mobilizing 350,000 civilians to pressure Madrid into abandoning its colony in Western Sahara—an area facing the Canary Islands.

Spain eventually transferred administrative control of the territory to Morocco and Mauritania. While Washington publicly advocated neutrality and a negotiated solution, declassified diplomatic documents reveal a stance far closer to Rabat’s position.

In 1974, Henry Kissinger reportedly told Hassan II that, if he were in the king’s position, he would act the same way. By January 1976, the US had made clear it was not erecting major obstacles to Morocco’s actions in the Sahara. Months later, a diplomatic report described the US position as « essentially pro-Moroccan. »

Security ties deepened further after the September 11, 2001 attacks. « Geopolitically, Morocco has been an unwavering US ally in the global fight against terrorism, » says Professor Kneeland. In 2004, the George W. Bush administration designated Morocco a Major Non-NATO Ally, a status that streamlines access to advanced weaponry and military cooperation.

The kingdom also hosts African Lion, the US Africa Command’s largest annual military exercise. Moroccan and US special forces train together and co-lead the Africa group of the international coalition against ISIS, coordinating counterterrorism support across the continent. Between 2021 and 2025, the US accounted for 60% of Morocco’s major arms imports, far outpacing Israel (24%) and France (10%), according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

On the economic front, the 2006 US-Morocco Free Trade Agreement was the first such deal the US signed with an African nation, removing significant trade barriers. By 2025, bilateral merchandise trade had reached $7.4 billion—nearly eight times the $927 million recorded in 2005, before the agreement took effect. While modest in the context of the vast US economy, where Morocco ranks as its 46th-largest export market, the deal has generated a substantial surplus for Washington.

Diplomatically, Morocco secured its biggest win in December 2020, when the Trump administration recognized Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara as part of a normalization deal between Rabat and Israel. The US maintains this position today, viewing Rabat’s autonomy proposal as the sole basis for resolving the conflict. « Morocco is the most successful participant in the Abraham Accords. Its normalization with Israel has endured the Gaza war and is now firmly established, » affirms Yerkes.

The US-Morocco-Spain triangle in the Ceuta crisis

The Ceuta migration surge has exposed tensions within the triangular relationship between the US, Morocco, and Spain. The incident has underscored the strength of US-Moroccan ties at a moment when serious doubts cloud Madrid’s relations with both Rabat and Washington within NATO.

Spain is a key military ally of the US and, simultaneously, relies on Moroccan cooperation to manage its North African border. Yet both alliances are now under strain.

While Spain’s government blamed human trafficking networks and social media for the mass crossing into Ceuta and even thanked Morocco for its cooperation, Spanish experts, officials, and media outlets accused Rabat of orchestrating—or at least facilitating—the episode.

The Trump administration, for its part, sharply criticized Spain for its disagreements with NATO’s military spending caps and for vetoing the use of Rota and Morón air bases for operations in Iran. These differences came to the fore during the Ceuta crisis.

Washington did not explicitly endorse Morocco’s version of events, nor did it demand explanations from Rabat or echo accusations of a deliberate easing of border controls. Instead, Trump framed the incident as a consequence of Spain’s immigration policies, directly attacking the Sánchez government.

« I don’t believe Washington views the Ceuta events as a Moroccan initiative. The White House has been far more critical of Spain and what it sees as its mismanagement of the border, which it blames for the crisis, » interprets Yerkes.

The US response reaffirms the resilience of its alliance with Morocco, in contrast to the strains with its NATO ally Spain. Analysts suggest Morocco could become an even more valuable partner for Washington in security and logistics, especially after Spain’s refusal to allow its bases and airspace to be used for strikes against Iran.

In a message to King Mohammed VI on Throne Day—marking the monarch’s July 30, 1999, accession—Trump highlighted the alliance’s direction. « This year, we celebrate 250 years of American history and an unbreakable friendship with Morocco, a bond forged on trust and mutual respect, » he stated. After reiterating Washington’s recognition of Western Sahara as Moroccan territory, the former president expressed hope that cooperation across all sectors would continue « for the next 250 years. »